John Adams was in London serving as a diplomat for
his young country in
1787. He wrote and published A
Defence of the Constitutions of
Government of the United States of America in three volumes.
The
American edition was published the same year in New York and
Philadelphia. The work occurs in the middle of his career and
reflects the depth of thought that our founders engaged in while
building a new country. He explores and encourages others to read
the writings of philosophers and sages from all ages:
Machiavel, Sidney, Locke, Harrington, Milton, Ponnet, the Vindiciae
contra Tyrannos, Hoadley, Trenchard, Gordon, and Plato Redivivus.
A Defence was stimulated by the writings of Anne Robert Jacques Turgot,
the Abbé De
Mably, and Dr. Richard Price. The books are organized in letters
so that Adams could address diverse topics and historical periods while
relating them to the argument before him. In the first letter,
dated October 4, 1876, Adams reviewed the critiques of Turgot in
particular and proposes to address the issues and criticism. He
wrote to
defend the various Constitutions which had been enacted
within the States at that time, while examining the processes used to
balance power and avoid tyranny.
In the first volume Adams described and explored the structure of
various forms of modern and ancient government. He looked at
democratic forms of government formed in several Cantons of
Switzerland, St. Marino in Italy (included below), Biscay in Spain; aristocratic
republics found in Zurich in Switzerland, Venice in Italy,
and Genoa; republics with monarchs such as England and Poland; and
ancient republics such as Carthage, Rome, Corinth, Athens, Crete, and
Thebes. Adams considered political ideas from Plato's Republic to
those of John Locke sometimes with humor:
Mr. Locke, in 1663, was employed to trace out a
plan
of legislation for Carolina; and he gave the whole authority, executive
and
legislative, to the eight proprietors, the lords Berkley, Clarendon,
Albemarle,
Craven, and Ashley; and messieurs Carteret, Berkley, and Colleton, and
their
heirs. This new oligarchical sovereignty created at once three orders
of
nobility: barons, with twelve thousand acres of land; caciques, with
twenty-four thousand, &c.; and landgraves, with eighty thousand.
Who did
this legislator think would live under his government? He should have
first
created a new species of beings to govern, before he instituted such a
government. (Letter LIV)
How many branches of government should there be? Adams strongly
favored separation of powers and used examples from other republics to
show how the balance of power limits corruption and supports
stability. Should the legislature be separated into two chambers
or should there be a single body? Adams gave a vivid description
of how leadership is chosen in a group to illustrate that just a few in
any assembly would wield much of the power. He
said:
A single assembly thus constituted, without any
counterpoise, balance, or equilibrium, is to have all authority,
legislative, executive, and judicial, concentered in it. It is to make
a constitution and laws by its own will, execute those laws at its
pleasure, and adjudge all controversies, that arise concerning the
meaning and application of them, at discretion. What is there to
restrain them from making tyrannical laws, in order to execute them in
a tyrannical manner? (Letter XXV)
Adams
saw the two branches of the legislature balancing the power of
government, pulling together in times of crisis, but arguing and
debating the slow path toward law. He knew people, he knew their
weakness, and he and his contemporaries were very aware of the
fragility of what they were attempting to build.
Adams even described our modern problem of voter turnout in his
description of the republic of St. Marino in Italy.
Another remarkable circumstance is, the
reluctance
of the citizens to attend the assembly of the arengo, which obliged
them to make a law, obliging themselves to attend, upon a penalty. This
is a defect, and a misfortune natural to every democratical
constitution, and to the popular part of every mixed government. A
general or too common disinclination to attend, leaves room for persons
and parties more active to carry points by faction and intrigue, which
the majority, if all were present, would not approve. (Letter III)
Earlier,
in 1776, John Adams had been on the committee to draft the
Declaration of Independence and was an early proponent of separation
from England. He describes the Declaration and his work with
Jefferson in a letter to Thomas Pickering in 1888. He gives
Jefferson full credit for the draft of the Declaration and notes that
the original draft contained language to abolish slavery. Adams
supported that language and regretted that Congress as a whole struck
it from the document.
His strong belief in the individual rights of man was also displayed by
his support for the inclusion of the Bill of Rights in the
Constitution. He had helped write the constitution for the State
of Massachusetts and authored much of the Declaration of Rights for
Massachusetts. It included provisions against unreasonable search
and seizure, guaranteeing freedom of religion and the press, and
providing for trial by jury. The Declaration of Rights for
Massachusetts comes before the body of the Constitution of
Massachusetts. During 1787 he not only published Defence of the
Constitutions of Government of the United States of America but also
corresponded extensively with those who were writing the
Constitution. It must have been frustrating for him to be in
England during that period. Nonetheless, the power of his writing
and the wealth of ideas explored in the “Defence” influenced the
development of the Constitution.
His letters and writings show that he thought the Bill of Rights for
the United States should have preceded the Constitution, and that the
principles of the Constitution should have been based on them.
After he returned from England, he made extensive contributions to what
we call our "Bill of Rights", the first 10 Amendments to the
Constitution.
Adams served as President of the United States from 1797-1800.
His presidency had a tone that illustrated the necessity of separation
of powers, the need for a Bill of Rights, and the overwhelming
attraction of power. Adams saw himself as one of the elite and
loved the trappings of power. Even at the beginning of his
presidency, the newspapers of the time began to criticize him both for
his policies and for the pomp and elitism surrounding his office.
They saw him as a representative of the rich, to the exclusion of the
rest of the country. To be fair, newspapers criticized his
opponents as well, but Adams couldn’t stand it when it was directed at
him. This defender of
individual rights pushed to pass the “Alien and Sedition Acts” in 1798
which allowed the Federal government to limit freedom of speech and
freedom of the press. Adams immediately had several of his
newpaper critics arrested and even a member of Congress. Matthew
Lyon was a Representative from Vermont who was critical of the
Federalists, President Adam’s party. He was arrested for a letter
he published in the Vermont Journal critical of President Adams.
When another publisher, Anthony Haswell, attempted to raise money to pay Lyon’s fine, he too
was jailed. To the credit of the people of Vermont, they
re-elected Lyon while he was still in jail.
Fortunately, the Constitution and the country Adams had worked to
found was strong enough to withstand this insult to liberty.
The Virginia and Kentucky legislatures both wrote resolutions deploring
the
Alien and Sedition acts. Newspapers throughout the country
campaigned hard against them. In the end, Adams served only a
single term as President. Thomas Jefferson succeeded him and the
Alien and Sedition Acts expired in 1801 before Jefferson took
office.
The Federalists never recovered. They were seen as trying to
establish a monarchy and to undermine the very foundations of liberty,
of individual freedom, and the rights of citizens Adams had fought to
establish.
Quotations:
Without three divisions of power, stationed to watch each other, and
compare each other's conduct with the laws, it will be impossible that
the laws should at all times preserve their authority, and govern all
men. (Letter XXXIV)
Congress will always be composed of members from the natural and
artificial aristocratical body in every state, even in the northern, as
well as in the middle and southern states. Their natural dispositions
then in general will be (whether they shall be sensible of it or not,
and whatever integrity or abilities they may be possessed of) to
diminish the prerogatives of the governors, and the privileges of the
people, and to augment the influence of the aristocratical parties.
There have been causes enough to prevent the appearance of this
inclination hitherto; but a calm course of prosperity would very soon
bring it forth, if effectual provision against it be not made in
season. It will be found absolutely necessary, therefore, to give
negatives to the governors, to defend the executives against the
influence of this body, as well as the senates and representatives in
their several states. The necessity of a negative in the house of
representatives, will be called in question by nobody. (Letter LIII)
But we have not yet considered how the legislative power is to be
exercised in this single assembly? — Is there to be a constitution? Who
are to compose it? The assembly itself, or a convention called for that
purpose? In either case, whatever rules are agreed on for the
preservation of the lives, liberties, properties, and characters of the
citizens, what is to hinder this assembly from transgressing the bounds
which they have prescribed to themselves, or which the convention has
ordained for them? (Letter LV)
But it is of great importance to begin well; misarrangements now made,
will have great, extensive, and distant consequences; and we are now
employed, how little soever we may think of it, in making
establishments which will affect the happiness of an hundred millions
of inhabitants at a time, in a period not very distant. (Letter
LV)
Portrait of
John Adams
shown above from Wikipedia.com
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